THE
TROUBLE WITH PACT:
QUESTIONING
THE INCREASING USE OF ASSERTIVE COMMUNITY TREATMENT TEAMS IN COMMUNITY
MENTAL HEALTH
©PATRICIA
SPINDEL and JO ANNE NUGENT
Humber College of Applied Arts and Technology
posted with the
permission of the authors
for permission to repost
or distribute
ABSTRACT
This article is a critical
analysis of the PACT model. It encompasses three major areas of identified
deficiency: philosophy, research, and practice. The authors reveal the
biomedical bias of PACT, and critique its social control features. They
also examine how PACT may prevent the building of community supports for
individuals with serious mental health issues rather than promoting them.
A
DEFINITION OF PACT
The Program for Assertive
Community Treatment (PACT) derived from the Training in Community Living
Program (TCL) in Madison, Wisconsin. It is an approach which features
the use of a team, rather than individual case managers, to provide continuous,
ongoing service to clients who need high levels of support. Some
of the goals of this approach are to "stabilize symptoms, prevent relapse,
meet basic needs, enhance quality of life, and optimize instrumental and
social functioning" (Test, Knoedler & Allness, 1992, p.684).
The PACT model of case
management has several phases: Engagement, Stabilization, Maintenance of
Ongoing Treatment, and Discharge. During the Engagement phase, a
trusting relationship is developed between the treatment team and the individual.
This is considered to have been successful when the treatment team is identified
as a client's service provider (Dixon, Krauss, Kernan, Lehman,
& DeForge, 1995). The Stabilization phase is considered to be
a skill-building period aimed at creating a more stable lifestyle within
the community. Practical issues like housing, income, and the establishment
of a daily routine are addressed. Goal setting is done collaboratively
between the team and client. During the Maintenance phase, emphasis
is upon keeping the gains which clients made in the Stabilization phase.
Finally, clients are usually discharged after they and staff agree
that the client's goals have been met, and a less intensive program can
take over (Dixon et al, 1995).
THE
TROUBLE WITH PACT
Troubles with PACT arise
in three distinct areas: philosophy, research, and practical service
delivery.
PHILOSOPHY
Biomedical Bias
Philosophically speaking,
PACT is essentially a biomedical model, with specific social control features.
Drake and Burns ( 1995, p.667) have put it succinctly: "The central idea
of assertive community treatment was that a community-based team would
provide a full range of medical, psychosocial, and rehabilitative services,
analogous to care in a hospital, to prevent hospitalization of clients.....".
Burns and Santos (1995, p.669) also described assertive community treatment
as "much like hospital-based treatment...intended to be continued on a
long-term basis, so that patients do not lose the benefits of treatment
due to changes in settings or providers, or due to inadequate follow-up".
PACT has been said to
implement an "aggressive" approach to symptom reduction (Burns and Santos,
1995), and to prevention of relapse.
Assertive community
treatment team members will "provide home delivery of medications" and
"actively monitor clients' physical health care" (Drake and Burns, 1995,
p.667). There is an emphasis on "medication compliance" in some studies
on PACT (Drake and Burns, 1995; Burns and Santos, 1995). For over twenty
years, the biomedical approach has been repeatedly criticized by psychiatric
survivor groups and numerous authors, as being too drug-oriented and too
controlling (Blackridge & Gilhooly, 1988; Burstow & Weitz, 1988;
Johnson, 1984; Ontario Coalition to Stop Electroshock, 1984; Breggin, 1983;
Sterling, 1979).
Many of the PACT teams
accept the presence of psychiatrists and nurses without much critical reflection,
thereby reinforcing, without question, the notion that a case management
approach with a built-in biomedical bias is desirable. One study revealed
that 88% of 303 U.S. based assertive community treatment programs surveyed,
had both nurses and psychiatrists on the treatment team (Deci, Santos,
Hiott, Schoenwald, & Dias, 1995, p.677). That Deci and
his colleagues saw nothing wrong with this is not surprising, since he
and his fellow researchers are all tied to departments of psychiatry or
biometry in South Carolina. Others have also written that "psychiatrists
are an integral part of the team, and symptom stabilization is a central
goal" (Dixon, Krauss, Kernan, Lehman, & DeForge,
1995, p.686).
Social Control
The social control aspects
of PACT are of some concern, since social control in treatment flies in
the face of the progress which has been achieved in recent years, in introducing
the concept of individual rights into treatment debates. One such
right is the right to be left alone.
The potential for abuse
of power is obvious in a biomedical model, and in a psychiatric profession
which has, over time, engaged in practices like electroconvulsive "therapy",
lobotomy, civil commitment, and which has ordered the use of chemical and
physical restraints repeatedly. These "treatments" have generally
been reserved for clients who have failed to meet the medical and nursing
professions' criteria for self care, or appropriate and rational behaviour.
The use of extremely
intrusive interventions in PACT have also not been questioned to any great
degree. Assertive community treatment has been considered by Drake
and Burns (1995, p. 667) to have obviated "the problem of missed appointments",
and it has established 24 hours a day, seven day a week "education, support,
treatment, and rehabilitation..... on a continuous basis, for an unlimited
time.." This kind of intrusiveness is considered by many researchers
to have produced positive results, but perhaps not by clients on the receiving
end who have, in some studies, dropped out in large numbers (McGrew, Bond,
Dietzen, McKasson, Miller,1995, p. 698) .
Because PACT has long
been considered to be a program which can assist the "most seriously mentally
ill", drop out rates may be informative. A study conducted by several authors
comments on the fact that clients "referred from community mental health
centers were more successfully engaged, while clients referred from shelters
and hospitals were less successfully engaged" (Herinckx, Kinney,
Clarke, & Paulson,1997, p.1298). Apparently some clients, no matter
who attempted to "treat" them, were making it clear through their actions,
that they would rather be left alone.
Another study (Solomon
& Draine, 1995, p. 265), which examined, over a one year period, results
from a randomized trial of case management clients leaving jails,
found that more PACT clients (60%) returned to jail than clients of individual
case managers (40%). Coercion may have played a role in this. The authors
report that, "ACT case managers worked closely with probation and parole
officers. When clients were found to be noncompliant with treatment, particularly
regarding medication, they collaborated with these officers to reincarcerate
the clients" (Solomon & Draine, 1995, p.267). It is notable that most
subjects in this study reflected jail populations, and included a disproportionate
number of black males. The clients in this study were not incarcerated
because they had committed new crimes. They were incarcerated because they
defied the social controls which were placed upon them.
For all of these reasons,
the PACT model would seem to be a throwback to a time when the rights of
those being "treated" were not of much concern to mental health practitioners.
Certainly of not as much concern as addressing clients' "best interests"
in spite of their protests. This lack of regard for individual rights is
sometimes called "benevolent coercion" (Mulvey, Geller, & Roth, 1987),
but it can have very serious consequences for individuals, resulting in
measures as extreme as outpatient commitment, or incarceration, as seen
above. The degree to which current mental health workers and administrators
are embracing PACT is particularly worrisome for this reason. It
points to the absence of a grounding philosophy in community mental health
practice, which has, at its base, a solid respect for the autonomy and
rights of individuals, and which considers the serious personal and social
consequences of removal of these rights.
A further indication
of the lack of respect for autonomy and clients' basic rights is found
in the study by Deci, Santos, Hiott, Schoenwald & Dias (1995, p. 677).
They found that 82% of 303 PACT teams surveyed, provided "financial management"
of clients' money. This should have raised some concerns about social control.
Controlling a person's finances is akin to giving professionals considerable
control over clients' lives. The absence of apparent concern over
study findings of this nature reveals a lack of critical examination by
mental health workers, of the nature and degree of appropriateness of the
social control features of their own practice.
In some cases, "medication
management" and client compliance with taking daily medication were features
of the approach. Deci et al (1995, p. 677) found that 80% of 303 PACT programs
surveyed delivered medications. The emphasis placed upon medication
management, and "managing difficult clients" points to a process which
stigmatizes and labels people for not following the wishes of society in
general, and their doctors and workers in particular. The direct
experiences of clients, and the reasons for their "non-compliance" with
others' wishes is almost never taken into account.
In other words, individuals
who do not comply with society's desire to see them behave differently,
as acted out through professionals' attempts to cause them to modify or
change their behaviour, are subjected to various levels of coercion in
an attempt to obtain "compliance". This is clearly the language and
the practice of social control, and it appears to arise from the way that
clients are labelled and stigmatized by professionals.
In a related matter,
Essock and Kontos (1995, p. 679) speak of "minimizing family burden" and
"minimizing cost" in their article. This seems to say that individuals
with serious mental illness are seen as "burdens" to be alleviated at the
least cost to society. Other articles describe some people with mental
health issues as "typically disengaged from services or likely to use inpatient
or emergency services", hence they "need assertive outreach to link them
to intensive, ongoing rehabilitative services" (Teague, Drake,
Theimann, & Ackerson, 1995, p. 689). Nowhere is the experience
of the client discussed, nor are the reasons why they are "disengaged"
from services or from their friends, families, and communities. Being disengaged
from services is seen as negative, and demonstrated proof that an individual
is in need of "rehabilitation". If these criteria were applied to
any other member of society, they would be seen as intrusive and disrespectful
of individuals' rights to choose how they want to live.
RESEARCH
There have been a flurry
of studies recently concerning the PACT model. These studies may or may
not provide an accurate picture of the success or lack of success of PACTs,
and certain aspects of them deserve closer scrutiny.
Independence of Researchers
Several studies have
been done by researchers who were not entirely independent of the programs
being surveyed. The study done by Dixon et al (1995), shows that
all of the authors were affiliated with the Center for Mental Health Services
Research in the Department of Psychiatry, at the University of Maryland
at Baltimore. The "Baltimore experiment" being studied, was the "experimental
arm of a randomized clinical trial" which compared it to ordinary services
which were not case management services. The study was done with a grant
provided by the federal Center for Mental Health Services under the McKinney
Act. The McKinney Act was signed into law in 1987 by President Ronald Regan.
It was an attempt to address the issue of homelessness in the United States.
Essock and Kontos
are both staff of the Connecticut Department of Mental Health. They
reported on "a randomized, controlled trial of assertive community treatment
at three sites in Connecticut" (1995, p. 679). Teague and Drake are
both affiliated with the New Hampshire-Dartmouth Psychiatric Research Centre,
which has, as one of its projects, "modifying the PACT model to provide
integrated treatment for dual disorders" (Teague et al, 1995, p.689).
In other studies, the
relationship between those being researched, and those doing the research
was unclear (McGrew et al, 1995; Deci et al, 1995). In some studies,
data was collected by case managers themselves through "clinicians' activity
logs, case manager interviews with clients, or through internal management
information systems (Teague et al, 1995, p. 690). Case managers sometimes
made the determination about whether or not their clients' functioning
had improved. Case managers also administered the structured interview
used to gather some of the data. Case managers' perceptions were
not always corroborated through observations by independent researchers
(McGrew et al 1995).
Poor Instrumentation
Some researchers used
structural quality outcome measures such as internal agency documents
on program implementation, policy and procedural manuals, and programs'
mission statements and formal practices instead of direct observation of
results. Some researchers visited the PACT teams once a month, and
sat in on staff meetings, and had interviews with PACT supervisors (Teague
et al, 1995, p. 690). Very little is said in most of these studies
about whether or not clients provided much direct input to external researchers
about their level of satisfaction with this model as opposed to other equally
funded and staffed case management approaches.
Questionable Practices
There is a strong impression
in some research studies of comparing apples to oranges. In most controlled
studies there is an expectation that researchers will compare outcomes
of programs with similar variables. That is not the case in some PACT studies
where outcomes of well funded PACT teams were compared to underfunded,
overworked individual case management teams' client outcomes. In some cases
questions could be raised about whether or not researchers were actually
examining a PACT model, and there may not even be consensus on what constitutes
a PACT model.
Deci et al (1995, p.
677) showed that only 45% of the programs examined, actually functioned
according to a PACT model, in that teams shared a common caseload. Olfson
also made this point. He noted that what is called "assertive community
treatment" can be quite different from one area to another. The presence
of other types of case management approaches has blurred the gap between
the PACT approach and others (Olfson, 1990).
Essock and Kontos (1995)
have also raised the issue of whether or not time-limited assertive community
treatment teams without fixed caseloads could be considered to be functioning
according to a PACT model. And Solomon and Draine (1995) also questioned
the issue of fidelity to a PACT model in their study of seriously mentally
ill clients leaving jail.
It is important in any
outcome evaluation to be certain that the model being studied actually
complies with widely accepted criteria for that particular model. Otherwise,
results attributed to PACT could be attributable to other practices which
may or may not be part of what is commonly considered to be a PACT model.
Essock and Kontos (1995)
have acknowledged that some studies of PACT may be flawed in that they
compare "understaffed, overcrowded community-based programs" to "new, well-staffed
assertive community treatment teams that gradually fill their caseloads".
They have also characterized PACT as a "labour-intensive style of service
delivery", studies of which have produced "very little data about who benefits
from assertive community treatment and the cost of achieving such benefits"(1995,
p. 679). These authors also questioned how much is actually known
about what program components are important in achieving goals in functioning
which are attributed to PACT.
he Essock and Kontos
(1995, p. 682) study was flawed, in that of the 262 participants studied,
86% were white, and 64% were male. The significance of this was not
discussed in the study. Race and gender issues can have a major impact
upon the lives of people who have been labelled seriously mentally ill.
The impact that discrimination can have upon peoples' stress levels and
subsequent rates of hospitalization and incarceration are highly relevant
to outcome research in any study. Solomon and Draine's (1995) study on
clients labelled seriously mentally ill who were leaving jails illustrates
this to some extent. Their study included a higher than average number
of black males who had been incarcerated, and the results showed that the
PACT case managers had collaborated with probation and parole officers
to reincarcerate clients who were "non-compliant"(1995, p.257). Burstow
(1992) has pointed out that the context of violence in which women often
find themselves can have a very negative impact upon their ability to cope
with pre-existing mental health conditions. Consequently, violence in womens'
lives may also negatively affect rates of hospitalization. PACT outcomes
can, therefore, be questioned, when people of colour and women are in a
statistically significant minority in these studies.
In some studies, many
participants had dropped out within an 18 month period, and it was not
always clear if the findings related only to those who were left in the
study, or whether the drop-out rate was factored in. Would the views of
those who dropped out have affected the degree of client satisfaction often
attributed to PACT?
Some of the criteria used to rate the PACT model were also questionable.
Self reports were used in some studies, without corroboration by independent
indicators. In areas where PACT staff were managing client's money,
the social control aspects of doing so, could have influenced results,
but this was generally not discussed.
Two criteria which could
be said to be more concrete than "quality of life" measures are employment
status, and the level and degree of legal problems clients face. Authors
who studied these two more concrete indicators found that either clients
did not improve, or their situation worsened with a PACT model (McGrew,
Dietzen, McKasson, Miller,1995).
Where PACT teams have
utilized mobile crisis units, it is unclear whether the "success" of the
PACT team was attributable to its own efforts or to those of the mobile
unit.
Most studies appear
to cover a relatively short timespan - usually two years or less.
Since this is such a short time in the life of an individual with serious
mental health issues, the conclusions may not be particularly valid.
In reviewing many of
the PACT studies cited earlier, it is clear that the outcomes often attributed
to PACT are questionable at best. Because of this, PACT requires much more
research, and closer examination of other variables which may, or may not
be contributing to the results being claimed for this model.
PRACTICAL
SERVICE DELIVERY CONCERNS
PACT presents a series
of challenges to clients which other kinds of case management approaches,
especially those which employ an empowerment perspective, do not. These
challenges may be particularly problematic if the focus is upon those labelled
seriously mentally ill.
The Client Must Relate
to Several Team Members
The client obtaining
services from an assertive community treatment team must establish meaningful
working relationships with a team, rather than just one person. It
is well documented that the success of any professional intervention depends
more on the quality of the relationship between the professional and the
service recipient than on any other factor, including service model (Rogers,
1973, p.14). It is much more difficult, if not impossible, for any
human being to establish warm, supportive, and trusting relationships with
a "team". This is exacerbated when a client has mental health problems.
Even the DSM-IV, used extensively by biomedical practitioners, lists inability
to form stable, meaningful relationships as a primary symptom in a number
of psychiatric conditions. Someone who already has serious mental
health difficulties, and who may have problems forming satisfying relationships,
will not relate easily to a "team" of workers.
In the case of someone
who is confused and perhaps disoriented, having to decide who is her/his
point of reference on a team, may pose some difficulties.
It is also perfectly
natural that some case managers may gravitate to particular clients and
vice versa. This is a reasonable outcome, since it stimulates a more
trusting relationship, when client and case manager have an affinity for
one another. Having the same staff person see the same client again
and again is frowned upon in assertive community treatment, and according
to Essock and Kontos, (1995, p.683), needs monitoring to ensure that it
does not occur.
Negative Stereotyping
of Mental Health Services Recipients
Utilization of a team
of experts creates a very negative image of service recipients. It
implies that a client is so abnormal, bad, or different, that a whole team
of people is needed to work with him or her. The message this sends
to a community which does not easily accept people with psychiatric labels,
may preclude attempts to reintegrate the client into any semblance of a
normal lifestyle. The negative image created by having to work with
a whole team may also have a devastating effect on the person. Far from
seeing a person as having strengths, and creating a context for their empowerment,
this kind of overprofessionalized, stigmatizing approach may destroy what
little self worth, sense of belonging, and hope a client has.
The Professionalization
of Individuals' Needs
Many service sectors
are currently emphasizing building supports for individuals in the community.
This approach is being used with seniors, people who have AIDS, persons
with developmental disabilities, and thosewho have psychiatric labels.
While many people may require certain kinds of professional interventions,
the goal is to reduce professional services to the minimum, while concentrating
on alternative non-professional supports inherent in communities.
Despite their labels, people need many of the same lifestyle elements as
everyone else: loving relationships, stable housing, reasonable income,
meaningful activities, spiritual fulfilment, and development of the self
as an individual. Such typical, positive experiences can minimize
the reliance on expensive, controlling, and impersonal professional services.
By using a team approach,
PACT flies in the face of this community-based trend, since it professionalizes
peoples' needs and entrenches an individual's reliance upon professional
services. Teague et al (1995, p. 689) have commented that PACT clients
are "typically either disengaged from services or likely to use inpatient
or emergency services; they need assertive outreach to link them to intensive,
ongoing rehabilitation services". The objective here is not to build
community, but to link to biomedical services.
A Lack of Emphasis
on Community Building, Family, and Community Involvement
If natural supports
which can be provided by the community, family, and friends are desirable,
then the service system must be welcoming, easy to understand, accessible,
and friendly. Teams are not user friendly. Confronting a team in
a case conference can be intimidating for family and friends. Accessibility
is reduced when a person's support network must try to form relationships
with a team. With a very high level of professional support, family
and friends are more likely to drop out of involvement with the person,
assuming that the professionals are "taking care of it".
In contrast, the use
of one community-based case manager, who understands the concept and practice
of empowerment and building upon a client's strengths, can better stimulate
the formation of a relationship with both a client, and where the client
wishes it, with her or his family and friends. An empowerment-oriented
case manager who knows a client well, is in a much better position to act
as a true advocate and support to a person than a team is.
The grocery store owner
who is a potential employer, the church goer, who is a potential social
support, the neighbour who is a potential landlord, will not be encouraged
to assist a person who is seen as requiring services from a whole team
of professionals. This kind of approach is more likely to create
distancing and alienation between a client and community people.
With PACT's assumption
that professionals "know" and clients and family members "don't know",
the PACT team's relationship to family members is more likely to be "educational"
in nature, as described in Burns and Santos' (1995, p. 673) "psychoeducation"
approach. The implications of this "one-up" professional over non-professional
belief system are obvious.
Team Politics: An Unfortunate
Side Effect of PACT
Working with a team
requires team members to spend a great amount of time dealing with each
other. Establishing authority, maintaining ongoing communications,
fulfilling the agenda of one's own profession or department, are all realities
of team work.
One case manager working
with an individual can concentrate on supporting that person, and building
a sense of community around her or him, rather than having to deal as much
with team politics. While it is necessary for any case manager to
be knowledgeable about team and inter-agency requirements, this can be
a lesser priority in a one to one relationship, than it is when a full
team is used to provide services. At least one study showed this to be
true. Solomon and Draine (1995, p. 268) reported that, "ACT case managers
were resistant to operating as a team on a daily basis. They stated that
these clients had difficulty developing relationships and building trust
with one person, and that relating to four people would undermine this
process. This position was supported by the supervising psychiatrist".
The clients to whom this study referred were those who were homeless, labelled
seriously mentally ill, and who had been incarcerated.
CONCLUSIONS
Most studies of PACT
have found two positive outcomes consistently - that PACT reduces the number
of hospital admissions of clients taking part in the studies, and that
clients report a higher degree of satisfaction with this model than with
other types of mental health services (although it is not known what role
social control features of PACT or drop-out rates may influence that, since
these have not been studied). In the first case, there are no clear
explanations of why this is so. In the second, the earlier criticism
of comparing a well-funded and richly staffed service with others which
are overcrowded and understaffed may apply.
Studies of the PACT
model have not consistently shown that clients gain skills or develop the
natural support systems they need to help them to live successfully in
the community. The development and strengthening of natural supports,
or the generation of new resources through non-professional human contact,
are not mentioned in studies of PACT.
Advocacy on the part
of PACT case managers, which is intended to confront systemic inequities
that poor and labelled people often face, is also almost never mentioned
in the PACT literature. Much of the literature is silent about the
systemic impact of poverty and discrimination upon clients.
In recent years, the
community mental health sector has said that moving away from a biomedical
type of practice which is more in line with many consumers' wishes is desirable.
Community mental health practitioners have also stated that they are not
seeking to socially control their clients.
What is perplexing then,
is that some community mental health programs appear to be adopting a case
management model with significant biomedical and social control features,
rather than adopting an approach which avoids these features, helps individuals
to build natural support systems, and thereby increases, through human
connection with non-paid people, their chances for more permanent success
in community living.
One of the reasons why
this is occurring may be found in the absence of a clearly articulated
philosophy of practice in community mental health, which challenges both
the biomedical and social control aspects of mental health practice.
The absence of a philosophy upon which case management practice can be
built, may account for the number of case management approaches which have
been tried, then abandoned over the past number of years in community mental
health.
Rather than adopting
particular case management models, then attempting to justify their efficacy,
community mental health programs may be better advised to adopt and articulate
a philosophy of practice which informs the way all community mental health
services are delivered.
Where practice fails
to follow rhetoric, credibility becomes an issue. Community mental health
programs claiming to believe in client autonomy and interdependence, will
have to reflect upon the areas where case management practice incorporates
more of a social control orientation than it does an empowerment approach.
Programs which are seeking to veer away from a medical model, will have
to examine more carefully where a medical/psychiatric bias continues to
dominate their practice, and interferes with the development of more progressive
approaches to working with clients.
Ann Hartman (1994, p.
171) has said in her work Reflection and Controversy, that as professionals
"we have embraced this ideal [empowerment], [but] it may be that we have
not really examined the dilemmas that emerge and the choices to be made
when a profession adopts empowerment as a mission". She sees many
forces - "institutional, economic, political, ideological, and historical"
which may present significant barriers to professionals in any field adopting
a truly empowering approach with their clients.
It may be that because
many professionals in mental health have never actually examined their
own philosophical and practical positions in their work with clients, that
some may be accepting uncritically, the social control functions of their
work. If this is occurring, then some workers, whether or not they
are using a PACT model, may be engaging in "power over" interactions with
their clients, quite unwittingly. The PACT model incorporates social
control functions, which have been largely unquestioned by the field.
This seems to point to the absence of a philosophical framework from which
different approaches can be analysed for their moral and practical implications,
and their impact, as actually experienced by clients.
The main trouble with
PACT, and with many other case management approaches currently in use in
the mental health sector, is that there has been no critical analysis of
how personally empowering or socially controlling these approaches actually
are. The other trouble with PACT, is that it does not rest upon a
philosophical framework which stresses true empowerment of individuals.
Important literature (Fooks, 1993; McKnight, 1995; Gutierrez, GlenMaye,
& DeLois, 1995; Weedon, 1987; Rappaport, Swift, & Hess, 1984; Chapin,
1995; Weick, 1992; Hartman, 1992; Burstow, 1992; Zimmerman, 1990)
which has been produced in recent years, and which questions the way that
human services are delivered, is not considered in any evaluation of the
PACT approach.
Considering some of
the approaches outlined here which are used in PACT, it is clear that PACT
does not meet the criteria for being an empowerment approach to working
with disadvantaged, labelled, and stigmatized people. In fact, PACT may
be little more than a means of transporting the social control and biomedical
functions of the hospital or the institution to the community. For
a community mental health system which says that it wants a more progressive
approach, PACT simply does not fit the bill.
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Key Words: case management,
assertive community treatment, social control, biomedical model.